Effect of Consumption on Identity in Britain

Effect of Consumption on indistinguishability element in BritainWe argon what we consume. To what extent does breathing in contri onlye to the construction of identicalness in contemporary British political party?In order to assure the extent to which inhalation contri onlyes to the construction of identity in contemporary British fellowship, and hence be in a perspective to comment on whether or not we ar what we consume is a valid averment or but hyperbole, it is important to first understand the sociological concepts empennage the question cosmos asked.Consumption in sociological impairment does not simply mean the buying and consuming of goods and run. In particular, sociologists are provoke in inlet as a way of conveying implication. indubitable habit is a term that was origin all in ally coined by Thorstein Veblen and it refers to the ways in which commonwealth convey the extent of their wealthiness to others in a society in which the traditional occ urrenceor of conveying meaning maintain by and large disappeared. Veblen pointd that in society, a souls stand was directly cogitate to their wealth. The manner in which this wealth had been accumulated was withal important, with old wealth existence much than(prenominal) soaringly esteemed then new wealth. The cockeyed individual had two ways in which to pro take away their social standing conspicuous leisure and/or conspicuous consumption.1It is important to understand the historical background that has led to the current consumption patterns in contemporary Britain. The industrial revolution was a time of massive social inflammations. Historical bonds of servitude and obedience were shattered and millions of multitude streamed into the UKs cities. A consequence of this mass upheaval was that wealth creation was no lengthy tied to the land. Suddenly a soulfulness who owned a factory could potentially have the said(prenominal) amount of wealth as almost matchle ss who considered themselves to be part of the amphetamine splites and whose wealth came with status. Wealth, by itself, was no lengthy a sufficient meat of separating the upper classes from the pret block offers. This was especially so in the large towns that had been framed in which people were constantly interacting with strangers who were unaware of a persons social status. As such, conspicuous consumption came to be an increasingly important means of differentiating oneself from others.2The aspirational dreams unleashed during the industrial revolution meant that, in general terms, people belonging to a dishonor class could in a flash potentially overcome the wealth divide simply through hard furbish up water. Overcoming the class divide was a little more difficult and it was achieved by essentially copying the consumption habits of that class to which a person aspired. Whether consumption drove the industrial revolution or whether the industrial revolution drove consum ption whitethorn never be answered. The one thing that is sure is that each fuelled the other. The more people consumed the greater the flames of industry. The more exotic and fashionable the items produced, the greater the frenzy of consumption.However, what is behave is that traditional attitudes to work and consumption had to be overcome. weber gives a provoke example that illustrates this occlusivea man who at the rate of 1 mark per acre mowed 2.5 the three e shows per day and doed 2.5 marks when the rate was raised to 1.25 marks per acre mowed, not 3 acres, as he might easily have done, thus earning 3.75 marks, but only 2 acres, so that he could still earn the 2.5 marks to which he was accustomed. The opportunity of earning more was less attractive to than that or working less. He did not ask how much can I earn in a day if I work as much as possible? But how much must I work in order to earn the wage, 2.5 marks, which I earned in the beginning and which takes care of my traditional needs?3In the above example weber seems to be lampooning this simple person who fails to understand that by working longer hours they can earn more money. In contemporary British society, it ab let on seems as though leisure time cannot be enjoyed without having first purchased the means of enjoying that time. Thus wide screen televisions, games consoles, international holidays, books, dvds, etc are all things without which people are made to believe they could not enjoy their leisure time. This should be contrasted to the person in Webers example who believed that simply being away from work was enough of a reward in itself. i suggested definition of a consumer culture, put forward in order to overlay conspicuous consumption in Third earth countries, but also useful as a general starting point, is one, in which the mass of consumers avidly desire (and some noticeable portion pursue, acquire, and display) goods and services that are valued for non-utilitarian reasons , such as status seeking, envy provocation, and novelty seeking.4 As such, any society in which consumption involves more than simply subsistence vitality (ie spirit to survive) will involve to some extent a score of conspicuous consumption.Likewise, the concept of identity in contemporary sociological terms has developed beyond simply looking at a persons occupation and class.5 This move away from employment constituting the main bloodline of a persons identity splintered sociological thought. Whereas previously a persons identity fell into several reasonably clear sociological categories and sociological theorists could hypothesis on the macro topics of relations amidst these groups, the shattering of the nexus between work and identity meant that sociologists now had to wind their attention to areas which had to that point been somewhat overlooked.The study of consumption by sociologists has comparatively recent origins. plot Marx and Veblen touched on consumption, their f ocus remained on class and occupational identities. That said, their early work in this area should not be discounted. Marx argued that by separating workers from ownership of the goods they produced and the means of that production, they were essentially being estranged from their labour.6 As we will see below, this estrangement can lead to disillusionment in employees. However, it should be noted that consumption, being aspirational, actually thrives on feelings of disillusionment. As Webers example above illustrates, it is difficult to sell a person who is content an illusion.In their pioneering text on consumption, The World of Goods, Douglas and Isherwood noted with mental rejection that, it is extraordinary to discover that no one knows why people urgency goods.7 They went on to put forward the argument that consumers use goods to construct an unequivocal universe and to make and maintain social relationships.8One could perhaps argue that in contemporary British society i dentity and consumption have become one and the same. As the wealth of society as a whole has increased and family bonds have slowly eroded, people look to advertisements, their companion group and celebrities to assist them in identifying themselves. However, by creating an identity which is outside of themselves and which relies on imported meanings, they run the risk of the identity they present to the world being itself an illusion. When such an illusion is shattered, it can have serious consequences for that person and those roughly them.Historically, British society has always been extremely class segregated. However, in new-fangled British society, class wars have been to a large extent been replaced by battles of consumption. A particularly good example of this was the recent news that the push back minister Ruth Kelly had made a decision to send her small fry to an expensive private school when a suitable state alternating(a) existed. The arguments surrounding her dec ision clearly illustrate the extent to which choices about consumption can clash with a persons public identity. The fact that Mrs Kelly is a mash minister and former Education Secretary means to some people that she should not make decisions about her consumption of services which are contrary to party lines.A clear example of this thought process is set out in Simon Jenkins recent article in the Guardian.9 He argues thatTo remove a youngster from the state school system is seldom an educational choice, whatever euphemism is customarily applied. It is a social recital. Across class-bound Britain, the sole(prenominal) school, whether state or private, reinforces the great divide.10Other commentators from within the Labour party went on record to state11I think it goes against the principles of the Labour Party. I am saddened by this and it makes me wonder about the sort of people who achieve high office who are in New Labour (Birmingham Selly Oak MP Lynne Jones).I think we shou ld expect Labour ministers to put their children through the state system. I deplore others transferring their children out of the system to go private (Austin Mitchell, MP for Great Grimsby).What underpins these statements is the underlying belief that a persons confessedly identity is revealed by their consumption decisions. Furthermore, if one believes in a certain cause, not to support that cause through consumption decisions is akin to betray. While the Labour party may no longer be the workers party, it is still the party that most fervently advocates the consumption of public services and those less well off. The difficulty then for Labour ministers is that with their own increasing affluence, they are more credibly to want to make consumption decisions which are more akin to the upper pose classes as opposed to their traditional support base. This naturally causes friction and inevitably calls of deceitfulness when the illusion is discovered.It should be noted that cons picuous consumption crosses divides of culture, race, age and religion. An interesting case in point is the Muslim Hijab which some women wear. These have now become hot fashion items for young Muslim women branded with for instance, Calvin Klein, Burberry, LOreal and Chanel logos. In this way, a Muslim woman can make the statment that eyepatch her religion is Muslim, her identity is Western.Likewise, Fulla dolls have replaced Barbie dolls in more shopping center eastern countries where the doll is a best seller.12 The fact that Fullas popularity is about identity is clear in Mr Abidins (the brand manager behind the doll) statementThis isnt notwithstanding about putting the hijab on a Barbie doll. You have to pee-pee a character that parents and children will want to relate to. Our advertising is in full of positive passs about Fullas character. Shes honest, loving, and caring, and she respects her father and mother.While one may question what relevance the sale of a doll in the Middle East might have in contemporary Britain, the point is that in a global, inter-dependant marketplace, the West no longer dictates the consumption agenda as it once did. And as new ideas and aspirations emerge, these then filter back into the consumption patterns of British society as people in Britain seek to pass away those aspirations through their consumption. The interesting irony is the way in which a consumer society has managed to incorporate all these conflicting and competing ideas, some which flat argue against consumerism, into nice, expendable packages. This is perhaps what is at the heart of the statement we are what we consume that even if we identify ourselves as being anti-consumer, the only way to communicate that message to others is through consumption itself.Ritzer13 suggests four changes that have occurred within society as a result of the process of consumption. These changes are first, that people no longer have to go to different shops to obtain the goods they wish to purchase but can instead go to supermarkets or shopping centres which cater for all their needs under one roof. While this does on doubt create a more convenient shopping experience, it also creates a more sterile one as everything is controlled and there is little chance of anything out of the ordinary occurring.14Second, many of what he calls the cathederals of consumption such as Disney record and Las Vegas, have become destinations in their own right. People are just as likely to go there to enjoy the sites for what they are/ form as they are to go there to consume the goods and services offered by them.15Third, customers are more likely to do more of the things employees previously did for them, for themselves for no pay. Clear examples of this are the checkouts at supermarkets, with many British supermarkets now having some type of self-checkout service, self-service petrol stations, and cash points.16Finally, the process of consumption has modify soc ial interaction to such an extent that a consumer is more likely to interact with the sites as opposed to any other people.17In many cases, the people with whom a consumer is interacting during the consumption process are so script in their role that interaction on a valet de chambre take aim is close to impossible. To a certain extent, those employers are trying to break land the roles that their employees perform to such an extent that they can eventually be replaced by machines. In circumstances such as these, it is hardly surprising that many workers feel disillusioned and seek, in their leisure time, to escape from the monotony of their unrealised lives through consumption. In this case, perhaps consumption isnt conspicuous but rather innocuous.Ratneshwar18 looks under the illusion created by many of these cathedrals of consumption and in a scathing indictment argues that the underlying rationality and sheer manipulativeness of these places are more likely to remain hidden from consumers. However, people who work in these places quickly become disillusioned and come to see them as places mostly devoid of meaningful content. 19The interesting thing about modern consumption is that a persons presence is never permanent. At the end of every day, everything is put back the way it was and when the shop/amusement third estate/cinema reopens the next day it is almost as if the previous day never happened. These places of consumption lack any historical or human dimension. They rely on people to give them meaning and yet, perhaps ironically, they themselves claim to be the givers of meaning. One could perhaps say that they sell back the meaning they have stolen from their customers (no doubt this would be Marxs view).That said, it would be difficult to argue that a middle class person living in Britain directly is worse off, or would willing trade places, with a person living in the middle ages. Even though that person in the middle ages may have had a cl ear identity about themselves and their position in the world, that certainty constrains them in a way in which a modern person would not be willing to be limit (although it is arguable that this is slowly changing and that people are becoming more constrained). The fundamental feature in a society of consumption is that we are all complicit in the illusion taking place. As Ruth Kelly has shown, our consumption habits make hypocrites of us all.BIBLIOGRAPHYBourdieu, P. (1977), Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge University puppy love, CambridgeBelk, R. W. (1988), Third World Consumer Culture, in Goodwin, N. R., Ackerman, F. Kiron, D. (1997), The Consumer Society, Island Press, Washington DC, pp.311-314Bocock, R. (2001), Consumption, Routledge, capital of the United KingdomCorrigan, P. (2006), The Sociology of Consumption An Introduction, Sage Publications, capital of the United KingdomThe fooling Mail, Ruth Kelly named as Labour minister sending a child to private school, 8th January 2007, taken from http//www.dailymail.co.uk/pages/live/articles/news/news.html?in_article_id=427179in_page_id=1770Douglas, M. Isherwood, B. (2005), The World of Goods, Routledge, LondonGoodwin, N. R., Ackerman, F. Kiron, D. (1997), The Consumer Society, Island Press, Washington DCJenkins, S., Introducing the minister of no faith in communities, in Guardian Unlimited, tenth January 2007, taken from http//www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,,1986631,00.htmlThe New York Times, Bestseller in Mideast Barbie With a Prayer Mat, twenty-second September 2005, taken from http//www.nytimes.com/2005/09/22/international/middleeast/22doll.html?ex=1285041600en=72bb8cc089bf9435ei=5090Ransome, P. (2005), Work, Consumption and Culture Affluence and Social Change in the 21st Century, Sage Publications, LondonRatneshwar, S. Mick, D. G. ed. (2005), Inside Consumption Perspectives on Consumer Motives, Goals and Desires, Routledge, New YorkRitzer, G. (2005), enchanting a Disenchanted Wo rld Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption, Pine Forge PressSmart, B. Ritzer, G. ed. (2003), Handbook of Social Theory, Sage Publications Ltd, LondonStorey, J. (1999), Cultural Consumption and perfunctory Life, Arnold Publishing, LondonVeblen, T. (1994), The Theory of the Leisure Class, Dover Publications, OntarioWoodward, K. (2003), Social Sciences The Big Issues, Routledge, London1Footnotes1 Corrigan, P. (2006), p.172 Corrigan, P. (2006), p.173 Weber, M. (1976), pp.59-60 in Corrigan, P. (2006), p.664 Belk, R. W. (1988), p.105 in Goodwin, N. R., Ackerman, F. Kiron, D. (1997), p.3125 Ransome, P. (2005), p.966 Bocock, R. (2001), p.377 Douglas, M. Isherwood, B. (2005), p.xxxi8 Douglas, M. Isherwood, B., in Corrigan, P. (2006), p.179 Jenkins, S. in Guardian Unlimited, 10th January 200710 Jenkins, S. in Guardian Unlimited, 10th January 200711 The Daily Mail, 8th January 200612 The New York Times, 22nd September 200513 Smart, B. Ritzer, G. ed (2003), p.42414 Smart, B. Ritzer, G. ed (2003), p.42415 Smart, B. Ritzer, G. ed (2003), p.42416 Smart, B. Ritzer, G. ed (2003), p.42417 Smart, B. Ritzer, G. ed (2003), p.42418 Ratneshwar, S. Mick, D. G. ed. (2005), p.30519 Ratneshwar, S. Mick, D. G. ed. (2005), p.305