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Wednesday, July 31, 2019

Love and Diane Essay

Synopsis Love & Diane tells the epic story of a family over three generations. At its heart lies the highly charged relationship between a mother and daughter, desperate for love and forgiveness but caught in a devastating cycle. For Love, the world changed forever when she and her siblings were torn from their mother, Diane. Separated from her family and thrust into a terrifying world of institutions and foster homes, the memory of that moment is more vivid to her than her present life. Ten years have passed since that day and Love and her five siblings have been reunited with their mother. But all have been changed by the years of separation. They are almost strangers to each other and Love is tormented by the thought that it was her fault. At 8 years old she was the one who revealed to a teacher that her mother was an drug addict. Now she is 18 and HIV+. And she has just given birth to a son, Donyaeh. For Love & Diane this baby represents everything good and hopeful for the future. But that hope is mixed with fear. Donyaeh has been born with the HIV virus and months must pass before his final status is known. As Diane struggles to make her family whole again and to realize some of her own dreams, Love seems to be drifting further and further away from her child. Diane, torn by her own guilt over her children’s fate when she was an addict, tries to help and to care for her grandson. But when Diane confides her fears for her daughter to a therapist, the police suddenly appear at the door. Donyaeh is taken from Love’s arms and it seems to the family as if history has repeated itself. Now Love must face the same ordeal her mother had faced years before. She is charged with neglect and must prove to a world of social workers, therapists and prosecutors that she is a fit mother. And Diane must find the courage to turn away from her guilt and grasp a chance to pursue her long-deferred dreams. While the film takes us deep into the life of a single family, it also offers a provocative look at the Byzantine â€Å"system† that aims to help but as often frustrates the family’s attempts to improve their situation. The film differs from many documentaries that deal with the problems facing poor communities in that it eschews â€Å"talking eads† and interviews with â€Å"experts† and aims instead to immerse the viewer in the experiences and thoughts of a family trying to survive and retain autonomy in the face of terrible challenges. Love ; Diane: Inner-City Blues: An Interview with Jennifer Dworkin For over eight years Jennifer Dworkin documented the personal struggles of a recovering crack addict and her troubled daughter in Love ; Diane. Fellow â€Å"long-term† filmmaker Steve James talks with Dworkin about her epic work of American v’rit’ filmmaking. I first heard about Jennifer Dworkin’s Love & Diane when it played at the 2002 New York Film Festival. Though I missed seeing it because I live in Chicago, the word was that this was a special film, one in which the filmmaker spent years intimately following the lives of a family. Since that’s been my own filmmaking â€Å"M. O. ,† I knew this was a documentary I had to see. So in November, when I finally did settle into my seat at Amsterdam’s International Documentary Festival to watch the film, I had pretty high expectations. Love & Diane lived up to them and more. It’s a powerful, uncompromising, yet compassionate portrait of a mother and daughter coping with a hard life in Brooklyn and an even more difficult personal history between them. In the best sense of the word, the film is a throwback to the heyday of cinema v’rit’ filmmaking in the ’60s and early ’70s, When the Maysles were in their prime and young filmmakers like Barbara Kopple were making their mark. Love ; Diane is one of those films where the filmmaker earned such intimate access and the trust of her subjects that it gives viewers a rare and complex glimpse into the lives of people we rarely really see in films. And like most great film subjects, Diane Hazzard and her daughter, Love, continually confound our expectations of what it means to be a â€Å"ghetto mom† or an â€Å"ex-crack addict† or a â€Å"black teenage mother. † Meeting and getting to know the director, Jennifer Dworkin, was one of the pleasures of the Amsterdam festival. My film, Stevie, also played there, and Jennifer and I found unexpected common ground in the stories each of our films tells. Both films deal with troubled family history, struggles between a parent and child, foster care, poverty and the social service and legal systems. Yet, in other ways, Stevie and Love ; Diane, couldn’t be more different. Filmmaker gave me a chance to talk further with Jennifer about her impressive first film and compare notes about how we each went about making such demanding and challenging films. Steve James: How long did you spend on this film? Jennifer Dworkin: You know, I never answer that question. James: Really? Dworkin: No, just kidding [laughs]. If you count directions I started but didn’t end up using in the film, about eight years, including editing. But not full time. James: Of course not. How could one survive? Dworkin: Exactly.

Tuesday, July 30, 2019

What is an Art?

In her article â€Å"A Shark in the Mind of One Contemplating Wilderness†, Terry Tempest Williams effectively defines what an â€Å"art† is and what is not. It goes beyond its traditional definition as a product of human creativity in which materials are outlined and selected to convey visually interesting forms. Williams reveals the ongoing battle within the biodiversity – human versus nature – and equates human life to the characters in the wild to create a vivid description of Art. Like a shark suspended in formaldehyde and being viewed as a unique work of art, Williams sees the same scenario for human beings when nature is totally devastated. Who’s to blame? The increased level of extinction that is likely to lead to the disappearance of about two-thirds of all kinds of living organisms by the end of the next century is driven by only one species: human (Raven 4). Human is inseparable from nature. His survival depends inextricably on other life forms. Life is the common force that connects man to animals. Williams recognizes this connection through an encounter with a shark in a tank, â€Å"I press my hands on the glass, waiting for the shark to pass by again, and when it does I feel my own heart beating against the mind of this creature that kills. However, this bond is unfastened little by little by man’s activities that are detrimental to the nature. Civilization overwhelms man that he neglects the reality that his existence rests on the subsistence of the natural world. Rather than protecting his source of life, he becomes the author of its destruction. Logging and mining, whether legal or illegal, are two of the most common damaging human activities. For pharmaceutical companies, â€Å"Wilderness is a cabinet of pharmaceuticals waiting to be discovered. † Taking her own experience where an open space once used by children to lie on their backs was now converted to a food court, Williams realized how fast people can transform something into another thing. Quoting her observation, â€Å"What was never before seen as art, as dance, as a painting in motion, but imagined only through the calculations of biologists, their facts now metamorphosed into designs†¦. † Just imagine how man has gotten so much from the nature and exploited a very huge part of it. As Williams noted, â€Å"The natural world is becoming invisible, appearing only as a backdrop for our own human dramas and catastrophes. Landslides, flashfloods, earthquakes, and tornadoes are signs that nature is too much burdened of man’s destructive activities. Wilderness is a work of art. People shape this natural wasteland just like how an artist makes a mosaic. The development of agricultural lands into subdivisions, the burning of forests to produce industrial m aterials, and even the changing color of water in the rivers from blue to black, reflect how an artist designs and colors his work. â€Å"What is true for wilderness remains true for humans. Human society is the mosaic of field and forest, of city blocks, of subway tiles. It is to this mosaic that we should turn in order to understand what it really means to be human† (Amato-Grill 5). Like humans, other forms of life need a habitat where they can build their own community. â€Å"We are animals, in search of a home, in relationship to Other, an expanding community with a mosaic of habitats, domestic and wild,† Williams explained. In the same way that we have seen performances on stage, we have set our eyes on how the leaves of the trees dance in the wind, how animals hide and catch their prey, how whales and fishes create waves in the oceans, and how flowers patiently wait for its bud to bloom. Wilderness, according to Williams, is a grand piece of performance art that can embody or inspire. To preserve them is to let the next generation witness the grand performance arts of nature. The nature is a work of art itself creatively designed and created by its Artist. It is a spring of inspiration for the artists who are also masterpieces of the One who created the nature. Art, as implicitly described by Williams on her article, is the exploration yet preservation of these natural creations.

Monday, July 29, 2019

Consumer behaviour in Cambodia Dissertation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 6250 words

Consumer behaviour in Cambodia - Dissertation Example This section will comprise the justification and description of the research methods that are to be put into practise in order to determine the consuming behaviour in Cambodia. The methods that will be adopted have been explained in detail so that a suitable pathway can be determined. The chapter will shed light on the research design, the methods and the philosophical approaches of the study. The chapter then proceeds to highlight the sampling method and the sample size of the study. The target population or the intended participants who will be approached will be also highlighted. In addition, this chapter will also emphasize on the process of data collection and how the collected data will be analysed in the subsequent section. Lastly, the study will state the ethical issues associated with the study and the limitation of the study. 3.2 Research Philosophy It is necessary for a researcher to make certain assumptions regarding the nature of reality which is to be studies (Daniel, 2 010). Apart from that, assumptions are also made about the knowledge produced and the research perspective. Figure 1 The figure above summarizes the approaches that can be used by the researchers in a research study. The approaches have been summarized in the form of epistemology, ontology, theory, perspective, techniques and methods. Each of these different approaches entails to a different way of performing the research. In general there are two research philosophies namely interpretivists and positivist (Blaxter, Hughes and Tight, 2006; Guba and Lincoln, 2005). Positivism is a philosophy of research which is based on the view that sociology must use the natural methods (Tobin and Joseph, 2006). However, that does not mean only use of experiments as there are several problems associated with experiments. The biggest one comes in the form of ethical violations. The researcher who believes in positivist philosophy believes that research works must be conducted with the help of quant itative methods. They principally aim to measure the social structures (Mehrens and Lehmann, 1987). On the other hand, interpretivists or anti positivists takes the other way round. According to their point of view, human being perceives and reflects on that basis and scientific studies are not appropriate for the study of society. They also believe that unlike objectives human being has the ability to alter their behaviour. Hence, the inference is that in order to understand the social action, it is necessary to understand the meaning and reason people perceive about the environment around them (Abbott, 2010; Connaway and Powell, 2010; Gordon, 2007; Snieder and Larner, 2009; Wilson, 2010). Another important finding of the study is that researchers who follows interpretivism philosophy believes that social research must be conducted with the help of qualitative method (Saunders, Lewis and Thornhill, 2009; Browne, 2006). This study seeks to investigate the consumer behaviour pattern of Cambodia and hence it clearly

Sunday, July 28, 2019

Importance of A Healthy Diet by Saurabh Gaur Essay

Importance of A Healthy Diet by Saurabh Gaur - Essay Example From this paper it is clear that in one instance, the author states some statistical data without acknowledging the source of the data. The failure to use, or reference, reliable and relevant sources implies that the author relied on intuition and personal knowledge to write the essay. The essay is persuasive enough to convince the reader on the importance of maintaining a healthy diet. However, the essay would have been more persuasive had the author used reliable and relevant sources to develop the thesis. The author is able to develop ethos since the essays is convincing in relationship with the thesis. In addition, the author developed pathos effectively by provoking emotions on the importance of healthy diets since the author provided the effects of the failure to observe a healthy diet. Conversely, the author developed logos effectively by presenting a few facts and statistics in the essay.

Saturday, July 27, 2019

How the theories are used Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

How the theories are used - Essay Example The nature of theories is explained on the basis of the evaluation of the quality of the theories. They includebeing logical and having consistency internallyaccording to. Also they should be in conformity with existing data on a given topicas put forth by because a difference may occur if one of the theories is more precise than the other. Having said, consistency of data collected has to conformtothe many independent evidences and not just one foundation. This is important as it ensures that it is in close proximity in meaning if not absolutely correct. Another important aspect is that theory'spredictions should be testable since this will determine how useful the theory will be in the subject matter. The theory can be easily adopted and modified to explain new evidences and this increases the ability to be predictive over time. In addition, according to a theory should raise new questions and suppose the questions can be easily answered using the strategies involved in problem sol ving. It is argued that a good theory is one that forbids certain things from happening and therefore the more it prohibits the better it is. It is noteworthy therefore, that there are those features that would make theories desirable, need for it to be simple in its presentation, must be economical in its attempt to explain a given phenomena and finally, it should be consistent with the theories that are related.With regard to the types of theories, there are several types as illustrated below. ... make theories desirable, need for it to be simple in its presentation, must be economical in its attempt to explain a given phenomena and finally, it should be consistent with the theories that are related. With regard to the types of theories, there are several types as illustrated below. Firstly, it is descriptive theory which seeks to classify specific characteristics of groups, events or individuals by making a summary of the similarities observed in the data collected. This type of theory is useful when very little is known about the issue at hand. There are two categories in this type of theory: the naming and classification according to (Stevens, 1984). On one hand, the naming theory simply describes the features of a particular phenomenon and on the other, classification theory is more elaborate as it notes the dimensions which are structurally interrelated. These theories are commonly known as taxonomies. These theories are tested by the descriptive theory which may or may n ot use a scientific manner of data collection. The empirical method used here involves the use of open ended questionnaires or interviews, active or non active participation, hence the data may be qualitative and or quantitative. Examples of this kind of research include case studies, ethnographies and surveys. Secondly, relational theories specifies the relationship between features of events, groups and individuals. They explain the relationship between parts of a given phenomena. The development of this theory is only when the key features are known after the validation and development of descriptive theories. It answers the question what. In addition, it is generated by the co-relational research. The features of an occurrence are observed from their natural environment and the

Friday, July 26, 2019

Analysis of International Politic Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Analysis of International Politic - Article Example mon man, in most cases, for over three to four decades in power and still had no inclination to leave office unless they were over thrown from their lofty pedestals which they inevitably were eventually. The sacrifices of these brave people bore fruit yet gradually but surely the euphoria of getting rid of these corrupt regimes is slowly giving way to a feeling of hopelessness and helplessness. Why? The answer to this simple question is also simple. These dictators ruled their countries with such a strong iron fist that once they are gone they have left behind a huge vacuum which cannot be filled soon. Such was their hold on power that after their removal the whole governmental machinery has come to a halt. Another alarming aspect of this whole scenario is that these rulers were able to extend their illegal governments with the help of the military-mullah nexus. So once they have been booted out of power the only logical substitute are the men in uniform or the Islamic fantasists, an even gloomier prospectus indeed. In fact if we seriously consider the issue these new forces now vying for power in these countries are an extension of the old regimes, as once a scholar wrote: â€Å"New Wine In Old Bottles† (Thompson, 1962: 125). It is fully justified to add that the West, especially the successive United States governments, in order to promote their own interests have been instrumental in safeguarding and prolonging these corrupt regimes and the individuals at their helm and are equal to blame for the misery these rulers have perpetuated on their people, by silencing dissent of any kind though the Constitution of the United States guarantees freedoms (like that of speech) for its own citizens. If conclusion if the regressive forces in favor of status quo are once again successful in occupying the echelons of power in these countries America and the West would be solely responsible for all these sacrifices to have been in vain and a black blotch on Western history,

Environmental Science Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

Environmental Science - Essay Example ies to make the environment arsenic free and phytoremediation is considered one of the most efficient and cost effective ways to remove arsenic from arsenic contaminated soil. In this paper, Lampis et al, test the efficiency of a fern Pteris vittata inoculated with certain bacterial strains, on arsenic phytoextraction in an arsenic contaminated soil. The researchers aimed to investigate the capability of Pteris vittata or Chinese brake fern to remove arsenic from an arsenic contaminated soil sample when inoculated with certain bacterial strains. The soil sample sued for the study was procured from an arsenic contaminated area in in Scarlino Industrial area in Tuscany, Italy. This particular site served as a landfill area where almost 1.5milion tons of arsenopyrite cinders had been dumped thereby exposing the dump site to rain and subsequent leaching of the arsenic into the soil to the groundwater table. The researchers procured the rhizosphere of different autochthonous plants that grew in and around the Scarlino area and used the plant parts to extract bacterial strains that were naturally arsenic-resistant. They cultured the bacterial strain under laboratory conditions to obtain pure colonies. The ability of the bacteria to promote plant growth was also checked by conducting assay for IAA production and measuring the 1-amino-c yclopropane-1-carboxylic acid (ACC) deaminase activity. Taxonomic analysis of the bacterial isolates was conducted using both wet lab and dry lab methods. The researchers, at the end of the experiment, measured the biomass and the arsenic level in the roots as well as the fronds of the ferns. The results showed that there was a significant increase of almost 35% in the biomass of the plants which had been inoculated with bacteria when compared to those that had not received inoculation. The test results also confirmed that plants that received mixed inoculum had a greater capability to phytoextract arsenic from the soil as compared to

Thursday, July 25, 2019

Thesis on Stephenie Meyer Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Thesis on Stephenie Meyer - Essay Example This is the adolescent stage when young children begin their puberty, and it marks a transitional change, in their lives, which is characterized by significant changes. They are usually curious to explore some of the ideas they had learnt, in their childhood stage, and this is usually achieved through reading books and watching films. Therefore, it is necessary to understand their psychological mindsets since this stage is characterized by loneliness, peer group need, mood swings, psychological vulnerability, insecurity, audacity and the need to be emotional and argumentative. It is evident that most of the adolescents’ role models are the characters they see in the films and witness, in the books. They need literary works to broaden the understanding of themselves and future roles. Meyers’ film, Twilight, successfully exhibit this quality since it incorporates fairy tale elements and love story in its plot. It has since been known that many literary works about love are about young teenagers meeting and falling in love. During this period, there is always some kind of a barrier that needs to be overcome before the characters reach a happy conclusion. In Twilight, Edward and Bella instantly got attracted to one another when they met for the first time, but they could not establish a stable relationship because Edward is a vampire (Larsson et al. 274). Therefore, Edward, by being a vampire, is an obstacle that stands in their way to obtain mutual happiness. This also makes the novel more complicated than when Edward was just a normal boy. His condition also make their love wrong and forbidden (Larsson et al. 267). It is the passion and danger, associated with the supernatural creatures, which make Meyer’s literary piece different from other normal teenagers’ love stories. In the light of this context, Meyer is not only striving to combine different genres, but also linking Twilight to classic gothic literary

Wednesday, July 24, 2019

Seperate program for gifted and talented students (History of Research Paper

Seperate program for gifted and talented students (History of Education) - Research Paper Example with extra support so that they can achieve what they are capable of achieving instead of being restricted by the same curriculum delivered to the whole body of students. A number of factors can affect the ability of gifted and talented students to achieve, even if they are provided with additional stimulating material, and these include their physical (health) and emotional (psychological) states, degree of interest, the relationship with their teacher, and their learning environment. Nonetheless, we shall consider two reasons supporting separate programs for gifted and talented students as well as two reasons for not supporting such programs. The main argument for supporting them is that by not doing so, there are missed opportunities for the students themselves and also the society in which they could have made useful contributions. Research by the National Commission on Excellence in Education highlighted that over half of gifted school students in the U.S. fail to meet their tested ability with comparable achievement (NCEE, 1983). Although this is an old assessment, the situation is not much different nowadays. The present No child left behind policy for example does not cater to gifted students. Thus, many gifted children are not being given the opportunity to exploit their talents. They are simply not being sufficiently challenged (Pulliam & Patten, 2006, p.185). Even the 2011 education budget has been described as a missed opportunity by the Council for Exceptional Children and the Education Act does not directly address the unique learning needs of gifted students (Shinn, 2009). Another reason for supporting gifte d students is that due to their untapped potential and being in asynchronous development, they tend to be more vulnerable (CDI, 2010). Being asynchronous means that their intellectual capacities could be developing at a greater rate than their physical and emotional capacities. Therefore, it is important to help gifted students lest their

Tuesday, July 23, 2019

Microsoft Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Microsoft - Essay Example The products are critical in improving communication and management of data in institutions. The company’s production processes follow strict guidelines as apparent in the application of conventional techniques. The techniques facilitate the quality aspect of the products. It is imperative to note that the company has risen from a small in-house business outsourcing institution to a renowned supplier of electronic items. This was achievable through its noble and development oriented strategies. The strategies have been instrumental in its growth. For example, they provide the relevant operating framework with performance ideals. The company enjoys a wide market share and plans to expand further to new market segments. Findings based on strengths and weaknesses Microsoft Corporation displays strengths that has steered its growth. The company has diversified revenue base, ability to customize products to the locals, strong product brands that includes Ms Dos Microsoft windows, P Cs, basic interpreters and operating systems (Wilke 2003, p. 3). Further, it has effective distribution channels, good infrastructural set up, expansive market share and qualified personnel. Its weaknesses and threats include possibility of new entrance, limited network and diminishing raw materials. The opportunities and strengths present the company with lucrative prospect that seeks to leverage its international competitiveness. The analysis enables an institution to understand its current position and design viable strategies for improvement and sustainability. Concepts and theories The corporation is a multinational institution with a wide network. It is credited for adopting conventional human resource practices. The administration of company values its employees and treats them with decorum. This has contributed to the institution’s exemplary growth through development of viable teamwork groups. The groups enhance cohesiveness and participation in decision-making (Wilk e, 2003, p. 4). This has facilitated the development of innovative and creative ideas that focus on growth. The company adopts the international human resource management (IHRM) that ensures effective allocation of resources, utilization of human capital, hiring of diverse group of individuals, avoidance of regional disparities and cultural risks. The company through ethical principles and guidelines manages a huge number of staff who contributes to its success. The ethical principles are relevant because they promote cohesiveness and execution of activities based on mutual understanding (William. 2005, P, 3). The company offer favourable remuneration and terms of work that facilitates employee retention and motivation. This advances their performance capacity. This is vital in ensuring optimal production of the electronic items including software that meet the global demand. Analysis As noted, the company was established with the core mission to become the global consumer product a nd be the leading distributor of electronic items and software’s. Its fundamental values focus on quality enhancement, timely delivery of services and effective personnel administration. This propels the realization of the core values and institutional vision based on sound HR policies that are internationally relevant. Achieving exemplary performance and competitive advantage requires adoption of viable HR policies and formulation of acceptable objectives

Monday, July 22, 2019

Food and Eating Essay Example for Free

Food and Eating Essay January 5 7 †¢ Hetherington, Kregg, Chapters 1-4 Cultivating Utopia Week 15 Case study: Growing organic Jan. 12 14. †¢ Hetherington, Kregg, Chapters 5-8 Cultivating Utopia †¢ Exams handed back this week Make up exam on Tuesday January 12, 1-3 pm Week 16Class and consumption Jan. 19 21. †¢ Roseberry, William. 1996. â€Å"The Rise of Yuppie Coffee and the Reimagination of Class in the United States,† American Anthropologist 98 (4). 762-775. (BLS). *Food basket assignment due on Thursday January 21st. Week 17 Gender, food Community Jan. 26 28 †¢ Beardworth, Alan and Teresa Keil, â€Å"Food, family, and community† in Sociology on the Menu, London: Routledge, pp. 73-99. (On reserve) †¢ Allison, Anne, Chapter 15 â€Å"Japanese Mothers and Obentos†¦Ã¢â‚¬  in F C Week 18Gender, food the body. February 2 4 †¢ Bordo, Susan, Chapter 12 â€Å"Anorexia Nervosa: Psychopathology as the Crystallization of Culture† in F C †¢ Parasecoli, Fabio, Chapter 13 â€Å"Feeding Hard Bodies: Food and Masculinities in Men’s Fitness Magazines† in F C Week 19Race, ethnicity food. Feb. 9 11 †¢ Williams-Forson, Psyche, Chapter 21, â€Å"More Than Just the ‘Big Piece of Chicken’: The Power of Race, Class and Food in American Consciousness† in F C †¢ Nabhan, Gary Paul, Chapter 23 â€Å"Rooting Out the Causes of Disease: Why Diabetes is So Common Among Desert Dwellers† in F C *Reading response due on Tuesday on either reading Week 20Nationalism food Feb. 16 18 ââ€" ª Penfold, Steve, 2002, â€Å"Eddie Shack Was No Tim Horton†¦Ã¢â‚¬  in Food Nations, ed. W. Belasco and P. Scranton. New York: Routledge. Pp. 48-66. ââ€" ª Wilk, Richard, Chapter 19 â€Å"’Real Belizean Food’† †¦in F C ââ€" ª Study Break February 22-28thWeek 21Foundational approaches March 2 4 †¢ Barthes, Roland, Chapter 2. â€Å"Toward a Psychosociology of Contemporary Food Consumption† in F C †¢ Là ©vi-Strauss, Claude, Chapter 3 â€Å"The Culinary Triangle† in F C. Week 22Foundational approaches March 9 11 †¢ Douglas, Mary, Chapter 4 â€Å"Deciphering a Meal† in F C †¢ Mintz, Sidney, â€Å"Tasting Food, Tasting Freedom† in Tasting Food, Tasting Freedom. Boston: Beacon Press. (On reserve) *Reading Response on either reading due on Tuesday. Week 23Foundational approaches March 16 18 †¢ Harvis, Marvin, Chapter 5 â€Å"The Abominable Pig† in F C †¢ Recommended: Beardsworth, Alan and Teresa Keil, â€Å"The mysterious meanings of meat† In Sociology of the Menu pgs. 193-217. (On reserve). Week 24 Mcdonaldization March 23 25 †¢ Ritzer, George, 2004 â€Å"An introduction to McDonaldization† in The McDonaldization of Society. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. pgs. 1-23. †¢ Yan, Yunxiang, Chapter 32 â€Å"Of Hamburger and Social Space†¦Ã¢â‚¬  in F C * Reading Response on either reading due on Tuesday. Week 25 Challenging Mcdonaldization March 30 April 1st. †¢ Leitch, Alison, Chapter 24 â€Å"Slow Food and the Politics of Pork†¦Ã¢â‚¬  in F C †¢ Pilcher, Jeffrey, Chapter 25, â€Å"Taco Bell, Maseca, and Slow Food†¦Ã¢â‚¬  in F C. Week 26Challenging Mcdonaldization April 6 8 †¢ Clark, Dylan Chapter 26, â€Å"Punk Foods† in F C Course wrap up this week. *Final exam* will be scheduled during the exam period. Please plan accordingly. Have a great summer!

Benefits of Reading Essay Example for Free

Benefits of Reading Essay Reading maketh a man. Today, we enjoy such a wide array of reading material ranging from books, magazines, newspapers, comics and the latest e-books. However, we still do not make it a habit to read. This fact can be consolidated by a recent survey that has singled out that a majority of citizens hardly read. What a shame! Obviously, we do not realize the importance of reading. In this era of modernization, in order to become a successful person or a top-notch student, we should enrich ourselves with adequate knowledge and perspective. Instead, citizens in developed countries like Russia, China, Japan, Korea and Australia are enriching themselves with knowledge and information. Thus, it is high time that we make it a point to read. First and foremost, reading is the perfect platform for us to improve our knowledge. It is undisputable that, nowadays, the bookstores are flooded with various kinds of reading materials dealing with different subjects. By reading numerous genres of books, we are able to broaden our minds. For example, we can always flip through magazines or books to acquire knowledge and information on particular fields. Magazines like National Geographic, Popular Science, Discovery, Chips , Time and Reader’s Digest provide a colossal of information about science and the latest technologies. Those who are interested in technology will stand a golden opportunity to have a deep understanding on technology and thus helping them to get a promising job in the future. Aside from this, reading helps us to keep abreast with the latest developments in the world. One can know about the news or headlines of the world by just skimming through newspapers or surfing the Internet. People who are informative and knowledgeable are not considered as â€Å"a frog under a coconut shell†. Hence, it is true that reading enable us to widen our knowledge besides of keeping us oblivious of the latest developments in the world. In other words, â€Å"reading is the window of the world†. Furthermore, reading stands us a good stead in improving our command of languages. It has become an irrefutable fact that most of the people around the globe are not highly proficient in English which is an international language. This is because they tend to stick to their mother tongue. Sadly, they do not realize the importance of English. In order to master the language, we should cultivate the habit of reading. By reading we are introduced to a thousand and one words that are seldom applied in speaking but may come in handy when comes to writing. Persons who hardly read will not be able to do well in his essay writing as he fails to acquire the essential writing skills. On top of that, he also fails to learn some useful words that are a necessity in writing a good essay. Thus, it can be said that reading increases one’s vocabulary as well as polishing up one’s writing skills. In addition, by reading we are able to be fluent in foreign languages like Japanese, Spanis h, Italian, Mandarin, French and Arabic, just to name a few. Therefore, we will have the ability to converse with the citizens of other countries. Nevertheless, reading provides relaxation and entertainment. It is an ubiquitous phenomenon that thousands of people in the world are deriving entertainment from reading. This is because reading is the best form of entertainment and relaxation after enduring their mind-boggling work. Reading helps them to vanquish their daily stress and soothe their pressured minds. Needless to say, we do not have to burn a hole in our pockets when we are craving for entertainment. Unlike DVDs or television programs, books are the cheapest source of entertainment which only cost us up to a few dollars, perhaps the most exorbitant books will only cost up to the maximum of 50 dollars which is within the budget of a layman. On the other hand, we should not overlook the advantage of reading which is associated with unleashing our creative powers. By reading thrilling story books like The Lost Symbol, Angels and Demons, Da Vinci Code, Digital Fortress which are written by a prominent author, Dan Brown will definitely keep us thinking about the plots. When we are thinking about the plots, question marks will be popped up in the frame of our minds. Subsequently, we will have to imagine the consequences or the next scenes of the story. All these require creativity, unlike watching movies or videos, where there is little left to the imagination. This is because the scenes are already portrayed using images or pictures. It is a huge fallacy to say that watching movies is far better than reading books to unleash one’s creativity. In a nutshell, it would cost us a fortune if we do not make an effort to read. If we take a close look at people who often read, they are generally creative, it is vital that every citizen in the world picks up the habit of reading. The government should play a pivotal role in promoting the habit of reading. Several awareness campaigns should be held in arm to raise the awareness of the nations on the importance of reading besides boosting the interest of the public in reading. Most importantly, parents should encourage their children to read when they are still young.

Sunday, July 21, 2019

Parliamentary Sovereignty in the UK in the Wake of Brexit

Parliamentary Sovereignty in the UK in the Wake of Brexit POn 23 June 2016, the UK government held a referendum to decide whether the country should leave the EU. The majority citizens voted for Brexit (51.89 per cent to 48.11 per cent) with a turnout of 72%, however, they thoroughly fell behind in Scottish and Northern Irish tallies. Be that as it may, the Government was still expected to trigger Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) as soon as possible, without the express permission from Parliament. The Prime Minister at the time, David Cameron, had promised that he would follow through with the outcome, even if that meant leaving the EU (BBC, 2017).[1] However, the situation was not as straightforward as presented by the â€Å"Leave† campaign. The principle of parliamentary sovereignty meant that the referendum result had no legal binding. Therefore, the Prime Minister and government were free to ignore the referendum result if they saw fit. Furthermore, some argued that the government had no right to trigger a leave; only Parliament could do so, as a result of the principle parliamentary sovereignty (Weale, 2017).[2] This paper discusses the topic of parliamentary sovereignty in the UK, particularly in the wake of Brexit, and briefly touches on some social consequences had Parliamentary Sovereignty not been respected. The structure of this paper is therefore as follows: First, Section 1 briefly discusses the history behind parliamentary sovereignty in the UK. Then, Section 2 discusses the Miller Case, a case where the High Court upheld parliamentary sovereignty in the wake of Brexit. Finally, Section 3 explores the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017, an Act of Parliament that grants the government power to leave the EU. 1. The Principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty The idea of parliamentary sovereignty was conceived circa the Case of Proclamations in 1608 (Barnett, 2017).[3] This was a court decision that reduced the power of Monarchs. Essentially, the courts decided that moving forward, Kings and Queens would have to obtain Parliament’s permission to change laws. Specifically, the Case of Proclamations stated that â€Å"the King cannot change any part of the common law [†¦.] without parliament† (House of Lords, 1610).[4] Following this, the English Civil War occurred 1642–1651, where Parliamentarians fought against Royalists for ideals such as parliamentary sovereignty. The Parliamentarians were victorious on such occasion and thus began the ‘Glorious Revolution’ in 1688, which established parliamentary sovereignty in England (Goldsworthy, 2010).[5] Then, in 1689, parliamentary sovereignty was enshrined in the Bill of Rights. Similarly to the Case of Proclamations, this bill requires Monarchs to obtain pe rmission from Parliament before changing laws. Specifically, the Bill of Rights said, â€Å"Suspending the laws or the execution of laws by regal authority without consent of Parliament is illegal† (Parliament of England, 1689).[6] In modern day Britain, Parliament consists of three main decision making bodies: the Sovereign (the monarch, i.e. the King or Queen), the House of Lords (i.e. unelected members of parliament), and the House of Commons (i.e. elected Members of Parliament, or MPs). These three bodies form the highest power in the UK. The fact that Parliament has supreme power is known as parliamentary sovereignty. In the words of Legal commentator Albert Dicey, parliamentary sovereignty gives Parliament the power â€Å"to make or unmake any law whatever† (Dicey, 1915, p.3).[7] The only limits to parliamentary sovereignty are those that Parliament sets itself (Bradley, 2011).[8] An example of this self-enforced limit is Parliament’s subordination of the UK to the EU. This came into effect in 1972, when Parliament signed the European Communities Act, under which the UK was compelled to follow EU law (Barber, 2011).[9] Parliament also has the power to lift its self-imposed limits. For exampl e, Brexit means that Parliament will repeal the European Communities Act, thus ending the EU’s control over the UK (Supreme Court, 2017).[10] It is also important to note that only Parliament can repeal Parliamentary acts. Essentially, the government and Queen cannot repeal Acts of Parliament without Parliament’s permission. 23. Parliamentary sovereignty has been a significant part of many cases and has repeatedly been called upon during cases of importance. A quote from Lord Bingham of Cornhill in R (Jackson) v Attorney General [2005] UKHL 56; [2006] 1 AC 262 at para. [9] encapsulates this significance perfectly: The bedrock of the British constitution is the supremacy of the Crown in Parliament. 2. The Miller Case Following the Brexit referendum in June 2016, Times journalist David Pannick noted that the government could not trigger Article 50 by itself; the government would have to first obtain permission from Parliament (Pannick, 2016).[11] This was because of the principle of parliamentary sovereignty. Specifically, Pannick noted that Parliament had agreed to the European Communities Act in 1972, and because only Parliament can reverse its own decisions, and therefore only Parliament can repeal the act and withdraw from the EU. He also drew attention to Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, which says, â€Å"any member state may decide to withdraw from the union in accordance with its own constitutional requirements† (EU, 2007).[12] Pannick argued that since parliamentary sovereignty is a constitutional requirement, the EU would not accept the UK’s withdrawal without parliamentary approval (Pannick, 2016).[13] Theresa May was dismissive of these claims. She asserted that they were a tactic to delay Brexit and subvert democracy (BBC, 2017).[14] She also stated that the government did not need parliamentary approval to trigger Article 50 (Freehills, 2016).[15] Notably, Theresa May stated, â€Å"It is up to the Government to trigger Article 50 and the Government alone† (BBC, 2017).[16] Many disagreed with Theresa May, as they believed that withdrawal from the EU without Parliament’s permission would be unlawful (Weale, 2017).[17] Several members of the public felt so strongly about this that took legal action against the government. Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, or the Miller case as it was known informally, was heard in the High Court of Justice. Miller argued that Parliamentary involvement was necessary because: â€Å"By enacting the 1972 Act, Parliament surrendered aspects of its legislative sovereignty and conferred the same upon (what are now) the EU Institutions. Such conferral cannot be undone [†¦] without Parliamentary consent.† (Supreme Court, 2016, p.21)[18] In plain English, Miller’s argument was that considering Parliament surrendered power to the EU in 1972, only Parliament could take this power back (Supreme Court, 2016).[19] The government disagreed with this claim. They believed that once the UK leaves the EU, the European Communities Act 1972 would simply cease to apply, because former treaties would not exist (Supreme Court, 2016; Weale, 2017).[20] Furthermore, the government argued that they had the royal prerogative to override parliamentary sovereignty. The royal prerogative is an old power that allows governments to make decisions without Parliament, in exceptional circumstances (Freehills, 2016).[21] The government also noted a rule that â€Å"the making and unmaking of treaties is [†¦] within the competence of the government† (Supreme Court, 2017, p.84)[22] The case was debated in the High Court for several weeks until the High Court delivered its verdict on 3 November 2016. The High Court ruled in favour of Miller: the government had to obtain parliamentary authority to trigger Article 50. The High Court had agreed with Miller’s arguments about the principle of parliamentary sovereignty (Supreme Court, 2017).[23] The court explained that because of parliamentary sovereignty, only Parliament could repeal the European Communities Act. This is because only Parliament can repeal an Act of Parliament. The High Court also explained that Article 50 would nullify several rights of UK citizens (Supreme Court, 2017).[24] These rights included the right of UK citizens to live and work freely in other EU countries, and the right to 20 days paid holiday under the Working Time Directive 2003. Parliament put these rights in place when it passed the European Communities Act in 1972. The High Court also ruled against the government’s right to use the royal prerogative (Supreme Court, 2017).[25] To explain why, the High Court cited the case of Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate [1965] AC 75, 101. This case involved use of the royal prerogative. Lord Reid, dismissed the royal prerogative as a â€Å"relic of a past age† (House of Lords, 1965, p.101).[26] Lord Reid also explained that the royal prerogative is â€Å"only available for a case not covered by statute† (p.101).[27] Typically, the royal prerogative is only for situations such as declaring war, dissolving parliament and governing colonies (Wade, 1961).[28] So, in Miller’s case, the High Court explained that a royal prerogative was inappropriate for triggering Brexit. Therefore, the government did not have the power to trigger Article 50 without Parliament’s approval. The government was unhappy with the High Court’s decision and chose to appeal it, and as a result the case went to the Supreme Court. Ultimately, the Supreme Court dismissed the government’s appeal, citing the same reason as the High Court (Supreme Court, 2017).[29] Essentially, the court explained, the government in 1972 needed Parliament’s approval to sign the 1972 Accession Treaty. This meant that present-day government also needed Parliament’s approval to repeal this treaty (Supreme Court, 2017).[30] Of course, those in the â€Å"Leave† camp were outraged with the High Court’s decision. Like Theresa May, they believed that Parliament was attempting to obstruct the progression of Brexit. A Ukip donor accused the High Court of declaring war on British democracy (Maguire, 2016).[31] In reality, however, this was not the case; the High Court was merely upholding the British constitution as intended, by honouring the principle of parliamentary sovereignty (Weale, 2017)[32] and following the Rule of Law. Importance of the Rule of Law. On 29 March 2017, the Prime Minister wrote to the President of the European Council to notify the European Council of the United Kingdom’s intention to leave the European Unit and the triggering of Article 50 of the Treaty. Brexit is no longer a hypothetical question. It is a concrete fact – it is happening. An issue that has been brought to the front is the belief that the Government has the power, and right, to act on Brexit without Parliaments involvement. This is even more troubling as the very constitution is built upon Parliamentary sovereignty. The issue of human rights comes up as it can be dangerous, in a country where the legislature is mostly under the control of the executive, to leave it solely up to a sovereign Parliament with an absent constitution. If the Parliament can be avoided altogether, this can lead to an even worse situation overall and so highlights how important it was for the Supreme Court in Miller to stand up for and defend the power of Parliament over the executive.   Brexit is one of the most influential and far-reaching changes to the international social and political landscapes today. Brexit will shape Britain, and the international community, for years to come. It is for this reason that it is undeniable that this process should be founded in the rule of law. To comprehend the importance of the rule of law we must give it a clear definition. A well-known definition is that of Lord Bingham: â€Å"that all persons and authorities in the State, whether public or private, should be bound by and be entitled to the benefit of all laws publicly made, taking effect (generally) in the future and publicly administered in the courts.† The Venice Commission has identified the following 8 components of the rule of law: ‘(1) Accessibility of the law (that it be intelligible, clear and predictable); (2) Questions of legal right should be normally decided by law and not discretion; (3) Equality before the law; (4) Power must be exercised lawfully, fairly and reasonably; (5) Human rights must be protected; (6) Means must be provided to resolve disputes without undue cost or delay; (7) Trials must be fair, and (8) Compliance by the state with its obligations in international law as well as in national law.’ The importance of the rule of law is recognised in multiple international documents. For example, the preamble to the UN Declaration of Human Rights notes the importance of the rule of law in protecting human rights. The Treaty on European Union also couples ‘the rule of law and respect for human rights’. It is this human rights element that the remained of this short essay will focus on. Brexit will reform the social landscape of Britain and Europe. It is of paramount importance that the rule of law is respected in this reformation to ensure that fundamental rights, particularly those of minorities and vulnerable individuals, continue to be respected. This is especially true given that there has been much debate as to whether the Brexit vote was fuelled by xenophobia and racism. Research has shown that there was an increase in support for far-right groups during the Brexit campaign and following the murder of Jo Cox. There has also been an alleged escalation in hate crime targeting migrant communities as well an increase in anti-immigration rhetoric. The Brexit vote, coupled with Trump, and the rise of the far-right, summons fears surrounding the polarization of politics and the creeping rise of extremism. With this in mind, it is quite chilling to consider Lord Bingham’s thoughts on a system which is not founded on the rule of law: â€Å"The hallmark of a regime which flouts the rule of law are, alas, all too familiar: the midnight knock on the door, the sudden disappearance, the show trial, the subjection of prisoners to genetic experiments, the confession extracted by torture, the gulag and the concentration camp, the gas chamber, the practice of genocide and ethnic cleansing, the waging of aggressive wars.† In a time when international politics is becoming increasingly unclear and strained and communities are fraught with increased fear and racial tensions, now more than ever, the rule of law and the importance of Parliamentary Sovereignty must be respected. As noted by the Prime Minister, the task before the British nation is momentous but it should not be insurmountable. Britain post-Brexit has an unclear future and an undefined path. By adhering to the rule of law, the certainty, stability and protection that it provides will ensure that this difficult task is negotiated with the utmost respect for all peoples and their inalienable human rights. 3. The European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017 Given that the Supreme Court had dismissed the government’s appeal, the government now needed Parliament’s approval to trigger Article 50. In order to receive this approval, the government introduced a new bill in Parliament. This bill was called the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017.Essentially, this bill would give Theresa May the power to trigger Article 50. However, Parliament had the power to reject the bill if it felt appropriate. This was again because of parliamentary sovereignty (Weale, 2017).[33] Despite that most voters voted ‘Leave’ in the referendum, this result was not legally binding and Parliament could ignore the referendum result. The principle of parliamentary sovereignty means that the ultimate power rests with Parliament, not the public nor the results of referendums. The public only have the power to elect MPs, and once elected, MPs can go against the wishes of their constituents and make their own decisions if they want to. MPs can even go against a referendum result, despite that this might cause great anger with the British public. As Dicey stated, â€Å"the electors can in the long run always enforce their will† (Dicey, 1915).[34] However,   all three decision making bodies of Parliament – the Queen, the House of Lords and the House of Commons – approved the Notification of Withdrawal Act (BBC, 2017).[35] The Queen gave the final green flag on 16 March 2017. This gave the Prime Minister the power trigger to Article 50 and inform the EU of the UK’s withdrawal. The government officially triggered Article 50 on 29 March 2017, when a UK envoy delivered a letter of withdrawal to the President of the European Council (BBC, 2017).[36] The issue of parliamentary sovereignty then took a back seat as the UK began exit negotiations with the EU. Of the 170,000 statutory instruments that have been sent to Parliament in the last 65 years, only seventeen have been rejected, and any substantive debate over individual instruments is a rare occurrence. Responsibility has been delegated for regulation both to the government and the European Union. For this reason, possibly up to sixty per cent of UK law may be derived from EU law in some way. Furthermore, for many years, legislative and technical expertise in the pertinent areas have again been delegated to Brussels. This leaves domestic civil servants under prepared to handle the of important decisions that will need to be made in the coming years. David Allen Green’s analysis is difficult to refute: â€Å"under the cloak of the referendum result there will be a power grab by Whitehall from Westminster. Those rejoicing at â€Å"taking back control† should be careful what they wish for. The executive is, as usual, wanting to take control away from Parliament.† On many occasions, it has been asserted that because the ‘people have spoken’ through the referendum, it gives the executive the right to push onward without the consent of Parliament. On many occasions, it has been asserted that because the ‘people have spoken’ through the referendum, it gives the executive the right to push onward without the consent of Parliament. Does this mean that the claims of direct democracy, in the form of the referendum, trump the claims of Parliamentary representative democracy, with the paradoxical effect of giving more power to the executive? The greater part have affirmed that referenda are in and of themselves a product of Parliamentary authority and must accordingly rely on the statute which enables them. The 2015 EU referendum Act only called for the referendum to take place, without establishing how to approach it or the potential consequences. ‘Where, as in this case, implementation of a referendum result requires a change in the law of the land, and statute has not provided for that change, the change in the law must be made in the only way in which the UK constitution permits, namely through Parliamentary legislation.’ The actual political importance of a referendum is not subverted however. What is does assert is the basic dogma that, in a democracy, the people can speak through their representatives in Parliament. Nevertheless, direct democracy cannot be operationalised by giving undiluted power to the executive. 4. Conclusion This paper has discussed parliamentary sovereignty in the UK in the wake of Brexit. First, Section 1 introduced the concept of parliamentary sovereignty in the UK. This section explained that parliamentary sovereignty goes back to the 17th century, when the courts first enshrined the principle in the Bill of Rights. The section also drew attention to the rule that only Parliament can undo Acts of Parliament. I then discussed the Miller case in Section 2. In this case, members of the public argued that the government required Parliaments approval to leave the EU. The courts decided in favour of Millers side; that explained that Parliament was needed to trigger to Article 50 due to parliamentary sovereignty. The decision was controversial because some people saw it as an attempt to subvert the referendum result. Finally, Section 3 discussed the European Union Act 2017. This act that demonstrated the principle of parliamentary sovereignty. The government essentially asked Parliament for permission to trigger Article 50, and Parliament agreed by passing the act. In conclusion, the principle of parliamentary sovereignty was tested in the wake of Brexit. Ultimately however, courts respected the principle and gave Parliament the ultimate power over whether Britain should leave the EU. However, the future is still uncertain, as no-one yet knows what Brexit will look like. Perhaps a future Parliament will reverse the Brexit decision. After all, parliamentary sovereignty gives future Parliaments the right to reverse the decisions of previous Parliaments. What needs to be addressed is the potential consequneces that the referendum may have on Palimentary sovernety and represesentitive democracy throughout the UK. For this reason, Parliment needs to continue to be a central part of the process despite any predetermined preferences from the Government itself. Parliamentary sovereignty must remain intact as, for the many reasons stated, it is an integral part of the United Kingdom’s constitution, because its deliberate and representative functions and ability to hold the executive to account are defining features of the United Kingdom’s enduring constitution. 5. References Barber, N.W., 2011. The afterlife of Parliamentary sovereignty. International Journal of Constitutional Law, 9(1), pp.144–154. Barnett, H., 2017. Constitutional and administrative law, Taylor & Francis. BBC, 2017. BBC News website. Available at: http://www.bbc.com/news [Accessed July 14, 2017]. Bradley, A., 2011. The Sovereignty of Parliament–Form or Substance? The Changing Constitution, 23, pp.54–56. Dicey, A.V., 1915. Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 8th ed., Liberty Classics. EU, 2007. Treaty on European Union, Freehills, H.S., 2016. Judicial review litigation over the correct constitutional process for triggering Article 50 TEU. Lexology. Available at: http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=f43e102f-ea09-4449-b781-a35ecfe628fe [Accessed July 13, 2017]. Goldsworthy, J., 2010. Parliamentary sovereignty: contemporary debates, Cambridge University Press. House of Lords, 1965. Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate AC 75, House of Lords, 1610. Proclamations, Case of [1610] EWHC KB J22, Available at: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/KB/1610/J22.html. Maguire, P., 2016. Seizing our sovereignty or declaring war on democracy: split view on judges’ ruling. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/nov/06/brexit-this-is-what-sovereignty-looks-like#img-1 [Accessed July 13, 2017]. Pannick, D., 2016. Why giving notice of withdrawal from the EU requires act of parliament. The Times. Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/c8985886-3df9-11e6-a28b-4ed6c4bdada3. Parliament of England, 1689. English Bill of Rights, Supreme Court, 2016. Miller v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union Written case for Mr George Birnie & Others (The â€Å"Expat Interveners†), Available at: http://www.croftsolicitors.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/139459-UKSC-2016-0196-Skeleton-for-Expat-Interveners-final-written-case-2.pdf. Supreme Court, 2017. Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, London. Available at: https://www.supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uksc-2016-0196-judgment.pdf. Wade, W., 1961. Administrative Law, London: Oxford University Press. Weale, A., 2017. The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit. The Political Quarterly, 88(2), pp.170–181. [1] BBC [2] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 177 [3] Hilaire Barnett, Constitutional and administrative law (Taylor & Francis 2017) [4] House of Lords, Case of [1610] EWHC KB J22 [5] Jeffrey Goldsworthy, Parliamentary sovereignty: contemporary debates (Cambridge University Press 2010) [6] Parliament of England, English Bill of Rights [7] Albert Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (8th edn, Liberty Classics 1915) [8] Anthony Bradley, ‘The Sovereignty of Parliament–Form or Substance?’ (2011) The Changing Constitution 54 [9] Nicholas Barber, ‘The afterlife of Parliamentary sovereignty’ (2011) International Journal of Constitutional Law 149 [10] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [11] David Pannick, Why giving notice of withdrawal from the EU requires act of parliament [12] EU, Treaty on European Union [13] David Pannick, Why giving notice of withdrawal from the EU requires act of parliament [14] BBC [15] Herbert Smith Freehills, Judicial review litigation over the correct constitutional process for triggering Article 50 TEU [16] BBC [17] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 180 [18] Supreme Court, Miller v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union Written case for Mr George Birnie & Others (The â€Å"Expat Interveners†) 21 [19] Supreme Court, Miller v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union Written case for Mr George Birnie & Others (The â€Å"Expat Interveners†) [20] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 180 [21] Herbert Smith Freehills, Judicial review litigation over the correct constitutional process for triggering Article 50 TEU [22] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 84 [23] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 84 [24] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 84 [25] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 85 [26] House of Lords, Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate AC 75 101 [27] House of Lords, Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate AC 75 101 [28] William Wade, Administrative Law (Oxford University Press 1961) [29] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [30] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [31] Patrick Maguire, Seizing our sovereignty or declaring war on democracy: split view on judges’ ruling [32] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 174 [33] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 174 [34] Albert Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (8th edn, Liberty Classics 1915) [35] BBC [36] BBC Parliamentary Sovereignty in the UK in the Wake of Brexit Parliamentary Sovereignty in the UK in the Wake of Brexit POn 23 June 2016, the UK government held a referendum to decide whether the country should leave the EU. The majority citizens voted for Brexit (51.89 per cent to 48.11 per cent) with a turnout of 72%, however, they thoroughly fell behind in Scottish and Northern Irish tallies. Be that as it may, the Government was still expected to trigger Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) as soon as possible, without the express permission from Parliament. The Prime Minister at the time, David Cameron, had promised that he would follow through with the outcome, even if that meant leaving the EU (BBC, 2017).[1] However, the situation was not as straightforward as presented by the â€Å"Leave† campaign. The principle of parliamentary sovereignty meant that the referendum result had no legal binding. Therefore, the Prime Minister and government were free to ignore the referendum result if they saw fit. Furthermore, some argued that the government had no right to trigger a leave; only Parliament could do so, as a result of the principle parliamentary sovereignty (Weale, 2017).[2] This paper discusses the topic of parliamentary sovereignty in the UK, particularly in the wake of Brexit, and briefly touches on some social consequences had Parliamentary Sovereignty not been respected. The structure of this paper is therefore as follows: First, Section 1 briefly discusses the history behind parliamentary sovereignty in the UK. Then, Section 2 discusses the Miller Case, a case where the High Court upheld parliamentary sovereignty in the wake of Brexit. Finally, Section 3 explores the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017, an Act of Parliament that grants the government power to leave the EU. 1. The Principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty The idea of parliamentary sovereignty was conceived circa the Case of Proclamations in 1608 (Barnett, 2017).[3] This was a court decision that reduced the power of Monarchs. Essentially, the courts decided that moving forward, Kings and Queens would have to obtain Parliament’s permission to change laws. Specifically, the Case of Proclamations stated that â€Å"the King cannot change any part of the common law [†¦.] without parliament† (House of Lords, 1610).[4] Following this, the English Civil War occurred 1642–1651, where Parliamentarians fought against Royalists for ideals such as parliamentary sovereignty. The Parliamentarians were victorious on such occasion and thus began the ‘Glorious Revolution’ in 1688, which established parliamentary sovereignty in England (Goldsworthy, 2010).[5] Then, in 1689, parliamentary sovereignty was enshrined in the Bill of Rights. Similarly to the Case of Proclamations, this bill requires Monarchs to obtain pe rmission from Parliament before changing laws. Specifically, the Bill of Rights said, â€Å"Suspending the laws or the execution of laws by regal authority without consent of Parliament is illegal† (Parliament of England, 1689).[6] In modern day Britain, Parliament consists of three main decision making bodies: the Sovereign (the monarch, i.e. the King or Queen), the House of Lords (i.e. unelected members of parliament), and the House of Commons (i.e. elected Members of Parliament, or MPs). These three bodies form the highest power in the UK. The fact that Parliament has supreme power is known as parliamentary sovereignty. In the words of Legal commentator Albert Dicey, parliamentary sovereignty gives Parliament the power â€Å"to make or unmake any law whatever† (Dicey, 1915, p.3).[7] The only limits to parliamentary sovereignty are those that Parliament sets itself (Bradley, 2011).[8] An example of this self-enforced limit is Parliament’s subordination of the UK to the EU. This came into effect in 1972, when Parliament signed the European Communities Act, under which the UK was compelled to follow EU law (Barber, 2011).[9] Parliament also has the power to lift its self-imposed limits. For exampl e, Brexit means that Parliament will repeal the European Communities Act, thus ending the EU’s control over the UK (Supreme Court, 2017).[10] It is also important to note that only Parliament can repeal Parliamentary acts. Essentially, the government and Queen cannot repeal Acts of Parliament without Parliament’s permission. 23. Parliamentary sovereignty has been a significant part of many cases and has repeatedly been called upon during cases of importance. A quote from Lord Bingham of Cornhill in R (Jackson) v Attorney General [2005] UKHL 56; [2006] 1 AC 262 at para. [9] encapsulates this significance perfectly: The bedrock of the British constitution is the supremacy of the Crown in Parliament. 2. The Miller Case Following the Brexit referendum in June 2016, Times journalist David Pannick noted that the government could not trigger Article 50 by itself; the government would have to first obtain permission from Parliament (Pannick, 2016).[11] This was because of the principle of parliamentary sovereignty. Specifically, Pannick noted that Parliament had agreed to the European Communities Act in 1972, and because only Parliament can reverse its own decisions, and therefore only Parliament can repeal the act and withdraw from the EU. He also drew attention to Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union, which says, â€Å"any member state may decide to withdraw from the union in accordance with its own constitutional requirements† (EU, 2007).[12] Pannick argued that since parliamentary sovereignty is a constitutional requirement, the EU would not accept the UK’s withdrawal without parliamentary approval (Pannick, 2016).[13] Theresa May was dismissive of these claims. She asserted that they were a tactic to delay Brexit and subvert democracy (BBC, 2017).[14] She also stated that the government did not need parliamentary approval to trigger Article 50 (Freehills, 2016).[15] Notably, Theresa May stated, â€Å"It is up to the Government to trigger Article 50 and the Government alone† (BBC, 2017).[16] Many disagreed with Theresa May, as they believed that withdrawal from the EU without Parliament’s permission would be unlawful (Weale, 2017).[17] Several members of the public felt so strongly about this that took legal action against the government. Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, or the Miller case as it was known informally, was heard in the High Court of Justice. Miller argued that Parliamentary involvement was necessary because: â€Å"By enacting the 1972 Act, Parliament surrendered aspects of its legislative sovereignty and conferred the same upon (what are now) the EU Institutions. Such conferral cannot be undone [†¦] without Parliamentary consent.† (Supreme Court, 2016, p.21)[18] In plain English, Miller’s argument was that considering Parliament surrendered power to the EU in 1972, only Parliament could take this power back (Supreme Court, 2016).[19] The government disagreed with this claim. They believed that once the UK leaves the EU, the European Communities Act 1972 would simply cease to apply, because former treaties would not exist (Supreme Court, 2016; Weale, 2017).[20] Furthermore, the government argued that they had the royal prerogative to override parliamentary sovereignty. The royal prerogative is an old power that allows governments to make decisions without Parliament, in exceptional circumstances (Freehills, 2016).[21] The government also noted a rule that â€Å"the making and unmaking of treaties is [†¦] within the competence of the government† (Supreme Court, 2017, p.84)[22] The case was debated in the High Court for several weeks until the High Court delivered its verdict on 3 November 2016. The High Court ruled in favour of Miller: the government had to obtain parliamentary authority to trigger Article 50. The High Court had agreed with Miller’s arguments about the principle of parliamentary sovereignty (Supreme Court, 2017).[23] The court explained that because of parliamentary sovereignty, only Parliament could repeal the European Communities Act. This is because only Parliament can repeal an Act of Parliament. The High Court also explained that Article 50 would nullify several rights of UK citizens (Supreme Court, 2017).[24] These rights included the right of UK citizens to live and work freely in other EU countries, and the right to 20 days paid holiday under the Working Time Directive 2003. Parliament put these rights in place when it passed the European Communities Act in 1972. The High Court also ruled against the government’s right to use the royal prerogative (Supreme Court, 2017).[25] To explain why, the High Court cited the case of Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate [1965] AC 75, 101. This case involved use of the royal prerogative. Lord Reid, dismissed the royal prerogative as a â€Å"relic of a past age† (House of Lords, 1965, p.101).[26] Lord Reid also explained that the royal prerogative is â€Å"only available for a case not covered by statute† (p.101).[27] Typically, the royal prerogative is only for situations such as declaring war, dissolving parliament and governing colonies (Wade, 1961).[28] So, in Miller’s case, the High Court explained that a royal prerogative was inappropriate for triggering Brexit. Therefore, the government did not have the power to trigger Article 50 without Parliament’s approval. The government was unhappy with the High Court’s decision and chose to appeal it, and as a result the case went to the Supreme Court. Ultimately, the Supreme Court dismissed the government’s appeal, citing the same reason as the High Court (Supreme Court, 2017).[29] Essentially, the court explained, the government in 1972 needed Parliament’s approval to sign the 1972 Accession Treaty. This meant that present-day government also needed Parliament’s approval to repeal this treaty (Supreme Court, 2017).[30] Of course, those in the â€Å"Leave† camp were outraged with the High Court’s decision. Like Theresa May, they believed that Parliament was attempting to obstruct the progression of Brexit. A Ukip donor accused the High Court of declaring war on British democracy (Maguire, 2016).[31] In reality, however, this was not the case; the High Court was merely upholding the British constitution as intended, by honouring the principle of parliamentary sovereignty (Weale, 2017)[32] and following the Rule of Law. Importance of the Rule of Law. On 29 March 2017, the Prime Minister wrote to the President of the European Council to notify the European Council of the United Kingdom’s intention to leave the European Unit and the triggering of Article 50 of the Treaty. Brexit is no longer a hypothetical question. It is a concrete fact – it is happening. An issue that has been brought to the front is the belief that the Government has the power, and right, to act on Brexit without Parliaments involvement. This is even more troubling as the very constitution is built upon Parliamentary sovereignty. The issue of human rights comes up as it can be dangerous, in a country where the legislature is mostly under the control of the executive, to leave it solely up to a sovereign Parliament with an absent constitution. If the Parliament can be avoided altogether, this can lead to an even worse situation overall and so highlights how important it was for the Supreme Court in Miller to stand up for and defend the power of Parliament over the executive.   Brexit is one of the most influential and far-reaching changes to the international social and political landscapes today. Brexit will shape Britain, and the international community, for years to come. It is for this reason that it is undeniable that this process should be founded in the rule of law. To comprehend the importance of the rule of law we must give it a clear definition. A well-known definition is that of Lord Bingham: â€Å"that all persons and authorities in the State, whether public or private, should be bound by and be entitled to the benefit of all laws publicly made, taking effect (generally) in the future and publicly administered in the courts.† The Venice Commission has identified the following 8 components of the rule of law: ‘(1) Accessibility of the law (that it be intelligible, clear and predictable); (2) Questions of legal right should be normally decided by law and not discretion; (3) Equality before the law; (4) Power must be exercised lawfully, fairly and reasonably; (5) Human rights must be protected; (6) Means must be provided to resolve disputes without undue cost or delay; (7) Trials must be fair, and (8) Compliance by the state with its obligations in international law as well as in national law.’ The importance of the rule of law is recognised in multiple international documents. For example, the preamble to the UN Declaration of Human Rights notes the importance of the rule of law in protecting human rights. The Treaty on European Union also couples ‘the rule of law and respect for human rights’. It is this human rights element that the remained of this short essay will focus on. Brexit will reform the social landscape of Britain and Europe. It is of paramount importance that the rule of law is respected in this reformation to ensure that fundamental rights, particularly those of minorities and vulnerable individuals, continue to be respected. This is especially true given that there has been much debate as to whether the Brexit vote was fuelled by xenophobia and racism. Research has shown that there was an increase in support for far-right groups during the Brexit campaign and following the murder of Jo Cox. There has also been an alleged escalation in hate crime targeting migrant communities as well an increase in anti-immigration rhetoric. The Brexit vote, coupled with Trump, and the rise of the far-right, summons fears surrounding the polarization of politics and the creeping rise of extremism. With this in mind, it is quite chilling to consider Lord Bingham’s thoughts on a system which is not founded on the rule of law: â€Å"The hallmark of a regime which flouts the rule of law are, alas, all too familiar: the midnight knock on the door, the sudden disappearance, the show trial, the subjection of prisoners to genetic experiments, the confession extracted by torture, the gulag and the concentration camp, the gas chamber, the practice of genocide and ethnic cleansing, the waging of aggressive wars.† In a time when international politics is becoming increasingly unclear and strained and communities are fraught with increased fear and racial tensions, now more than ever, the rule of law and the importance of Parliamentary Sovereignty must be respected. As noted by the Prime Minister, the task before the British nation is momentous but it should not be insurmountable. Britain post-Brexit has an unclear future and an undefined path. By adhering to the rule of law, the certainty, stability and protection that it provides will ensure that this difficult task is negotiated with the utmost respect for all peoples and their inalienable human rights. 3. The European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017 Given that the Supreme Court had dismissed the government’s appeal, the government now needed Parliament’s approval to trigger Article 50. In order to receive this approval, the government introduced a new bill in Parliament. This bill was called the European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Act 2017.Essentially, this bill would give Theresa May the power to trigger Article 50. However, Parliament had the power to reject the bill if it felt appropriate. This was again because of parliamentary sovereignty (Weale, 2017).[33] Despite that most voters voted ‘Leave’ in the referendum, this result was not legally binding and Parliament could ignore the referendum result. The principle of parliamentary sovereignty means that the ultimate power rests with Parliament, not the public nor the results of referendums. The public only have the power to elect MPs, and once elected, MPs can go against the wishes of their constituents and make their own decisions if they want to. MPs can even go against a referendum result, despite that this might cause great anger with the British public. As Dicey stated, â€Å"the electors can in the long run always enforce their will† (Dicey, 1915).[34] However,   all three decision making bodies of Parliament – the Queen, the House of Lords and the House of Commons – approved the Notification of Withdrawal Act (BBC, 2017).[35] The Queen gave the final green flag on 16 March 2017. This gave the Prime Minister the power trigger to Article 50 and inform the EU of the UK’s withdrawal. The government officially triggered Article 50 on 29 March 2017, when a UK envoy delivered a letter of withdrawal to the President of the European Council (BBC, 2017).[36] The issue of parliamentary sovereignty then took a back seat as the UK began exit negotiations with the EU. Of the 170,000 statutory instruments that have been sent to Parliament in the last 65 years, only seventeen have been rejected, and any substantive debate over individual instruments is a rare occurrence. Responsibility has been delegated for regulation both to the government and the European Union. For this reason, possibly up to sixty per cent of UK law may be derived from EU law in some way. Furthermore, for many years, legislative and technical expertise in the pertinent areas have again been delegated to Brussels. This leaves domestic civil servants under prepared to handle the of important decisions that will need to be made in the coming years. David Allen Green’s analysis is difficult to refute: â€Å"under the cloak of the referendum result there will be a power grab by Whitehall from Westminster. Those rejoicing at â€Å"taking back control† should be careful what they wish for. The executive is, as usual, wanting to take control away from Parliament.† On many occasions, it has been asserted that because the ‘people have spoken’ through the referendum, it gives the executive the right to push onward without the consent of Parliament. On many occasions, it has been asserted that because the ‘people have spoken’ through the referendum, it gives the executive the right to push onward without the consent of Parliament. Does this mean that the claims of direct democracy, in the form of the referendum, trump the claims of Parliamentary representative democracy, with the paradoxical effect of giving more power to the executive? The greater part have affirmed that referenda are in and of themselves a product of Parliamentary authority and must accordingly rely on the statute which enables them. The 2015 EU referendum Act only called for the referendum to take place, without establishing how to approach it or the potential consequences. ‘Where, as in this case, implementation of a referendum result requires a change in the law of the land, and statute has not provided for that change, the change in the law must be made in the only way in which the UK constitution permits, namely through Parliamentary legislation.’ The actual political importance of a referendum is not subverted however. What is does assert is the basic dogma that, in a democracy, the people can speak through their representatives in Parliament. Nevertheless, direct democracy cannot be operationalised by giving undiluted power to the executive. 4. Conclusion This paper has discussed parliamentary sovereignty in the UK in the wake of Brexit. First, Section 1 introduced the concept of parliamentary sovereignty in the UK. This section explained that parliamentary sovereignty goes back to the 17th century, when the courts first enshrined the principle in the Bill of Rights. The section also drew attention to the rule that only Parliament can undo Acts of Parliament. I then discussed the Miller case in Section 2. In this case, members of the public argued that the government required Parliaments approval to leave the EU. The courts decided in favour of Millers side; that explained that Parliament was needed to trigger to Article 50 due to parliamentary sovereignty. The decision was controversial because some people saw it as an attempt to subvert the referendum result. Finally, Section 3 discussed the European Union Act 2017. This act that demonstrated the principle of parliamentary sovereignty. The government essentially asked Parliament for permission to trigger Article 50, and Parliament agreed by passing the act. In conclusion, the principle of parliamentary sovereignty was tested in the wake of Brexit. Ultimately however, courts respected the principle and gave Parliament the ultimate power over whether Britain should leave the EU. However, the future is still uncertain, as no-one yet knows what Brexit will look like. Perhaps a future Parliament will reverse the Brexit decision. After all, parliamentary sovereignty gives future Parliaments the right to reverse the decisions of previous Parliaments. What needs to be addressed is the potential consequneces that the referendum may have on Palimentary sovernety and represesentitive democracy throughout the UK. For this reason, Parliment needs to continue to be a central part of the process despite any predetermined preferences from the Government itself. Parliamentary sovereignty must remain intact as, for the many reasons stated, it is an integral part of the United Kingdom’s constitution, because its deliberate and representative functions and ability to hold the executive to account are defining features of the United Kingdom’s enduring constitution. 5. References Barber, N.W., 2011. The afterlife of Parliamentary sovereignty. International Journal of Constitutional Law, 9(1), pp.144–154. Barnett, H., 2017. Constitutional and administrative law, Taylor & Francis. BBC, 2017. BBC News website. Available at: http://www.bbc.com/news [Accessed July 14, 2017]. Bradley, A., 2011. The Sovereignty of Parliament–Form or Substance? The Changing Constitution, 23, pp.54–56. Dicey, A.V., 1915. Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 8th ed., Liberty Classics. EU, 2007. Treaty on European Union, Freehills, H.S., 2016. Judicial review litigation over the correct constitutional process for triggering Article 50 TEU. Lexology. Available at: http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=f43e102f-ea09-4449-b781-a35ecfe628fe [Accessed July 13, 2017]. Goldsworthy, J., 2010. Parliamentary sovereignty: contemporary debates, Cambridge University Press. House of Lords, 1965. Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate AC 75, House of Lords, 1610. Proclamations, Case of [1610] EWHC KB J22, Available at: http://www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/KB/1610/J22.html. Maguire, P., 2016. Seizing our sovereignty or declaring war on democracy: split view on judges’ ruling. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/nov/06/brexit-this-is-what-sovereignty-looks-like#img-1 [Accessed July 13, 2017]. Pannick, D., 2016. Why giving notice of withdrawal from the EU requires act of parliament. The Times. Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/c8985886-3df9-11e6-a28b-4ed6c4bdada3. Parliament of England, 1689. English Bill of Rights, Supreme Court, 2016. Miller v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union Written case for Mr George Birnie & Others (The â€Å"Expat Interveners†), Available at: http://www.croftsolicitors.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/139459-UKSC-2016-0196-Skeleton-for-Expat-Interveners-final-written-case-2.pdf. Supreme Court, 2017. Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, London. Available at: https://www.supremecourt.uk/cases/docs/uksc-2016-0196-judgment.pdf. Wade, W., 1961. Administrative Law, London: Oxford University Press. Weale, A., 2017. The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit. The Political Quarterly, 88(2), pp.170–181. [1] BBC [2] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 177 [3] Hilaire Barnett, Constitutional and administrative law (Taylor & Francis 2017) [4] House of Lords, Case of [1610] EWHC KB J22 [5] Jeffrey Goldsworthy, Parliamentary sovereignty: contemporary debates (Cambridge University Press 2010) [6] Parliament of England, English Bill of Rights [7] Albert Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (8th edn, Liberty Classics 1915) [8] Anthony Bradley, ‘The Sovereignty of Parliament–Form or Substance?’ (2011) The Changing Constitution 54 [9] Nicholas Barber, ‘The afterlife of Parliamentary sovereignty’ (2011) International Journal of Constitutional Law 149 [10] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [11] David Pannick, Why giving notice of withdrawal from the EU requires act of parliament [12] EU, Treaty on European Union [13] David Pannick, Why giving notice of withdrawal from the EU requires act of parliament [14] BBC [15] Herbert Smith Freehills, Judicial review litigation over the correct constitutional process for triggering Article 50 TEU [16] BBC [17] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 180 [18] Supreme Court, Miller v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union Written case for Mr George Birnie & Others (The â€Å"Expat Interveners†) 21 [19] Supreme Court, Miller v. Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union Written case for Mr George Birnie & Others (The â€Å"Expat Interveners†) [20] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 180 [21] Herbert Smith Freehills, Judicial review litigation over the correct constitutional process for triggering Article 50 TEU [22] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 84 [23] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 84 [24] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 84 [25] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union 85 [26] House of Lords, Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate AC 75 101 [27] House of Lords, Burmah Oil Co (Burma Trading) Ltd v Lord Advocate AC 75 101 [28] William Wade, Administrative Law (Oxford University Press 1961) [29] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [30] Supreme Court, Miller v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [31] Patrick Maguire, Seizing our sovereignty or declaring war on democracy: split view on judges’ ruling [32] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 174 [33] Albert Weale, ‘The Democratic Duty to Oppose Brexit’ (2017) The Political Quarterly 174 [34] Albert Dicey, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (8th edn, Liberty Classics 1915) [35] BBC [36] BBC

Saturday, July 20, 2019

Statement of Educational Philosophy Essay -- Education Teaching Teache

Statement of Educational Philosophy During my public school years, I played practically every role possible in the classroom. At one time or another, I was the most popular student, the kid everybody picked on, the genius, the dummy, the teacher’s pet, and the student that the teachers wished would stay home. After playing all these different roles, I’ve come to the conclusion that each one is needed for a well-rounded classroom. Each has something special and significant to offer to the classroom. I think that these students should be allowed to interact and influence each other in order to broaden their overall thinking. No one’s ideas should be disregarded or thought less of than anyone else’s, as is common place in many public schools these days. If the teacher, who is usually the one disregarding these ideas, would just take the time to listen, they too might learn something new or exciting. This is the reason I want to become a teacher. As you might suspect, I am a big believer in progressivism. While I do expect students to learn and build upon the basic skills taught in school (reading, writing, arithmetic, etc.), I also think that learning how to think for one’s self and learning to work with others is highly important and under stressed. As the leader in the classroom, I will design projects for the students to do, in which group cooperation is a necessity. Quite often, the students will be working in groups, as long as they are working toward the goal that they are supposed to be working toward. I will, however, monitor these group projects, in order to make sure that everyone is doing their part in the group effort. I think this will introduce two important qualities in life; t... ...e curriculum and that that I am expected to incorporate them into my lesson plans. I will do so, but probably in a different way than most other teachers. My overall goal as a teacher is to do my best to ensure that every student is prepared for the next grade level and beyond. As I said earlier, every student has something different to offer the classroom, but the classroom should have only one thing to offer each student; success. Success doesn’t just meaning receiving good grades though. Success could be improving behavior in the classroom or overcoming a social problem. Some students will have no problem with achieving this success, but for others it will be a real struggle. It is for these students, that I will not be satisfied with my efforts until I see that I have made an impact and, if nothing else, have put them on the road to success. Statement of Educational Philosophy Essay -- Education Teaching Teache Statement of Educational Philosophy During my public school years, I played practically every role possible in the classroom. At one time or another, I was the most popular student, the kid everybody picked on, the genius, the dummy, the teacher’s pet, and the student that the teachers wished would stay home. After playing all these different roles, I’ve come to the conclusion that each one is needed for a well-rounded classroom. Each has something special and significant to offer to the classroom. I think that these students should be allowed to interact and influence each other in order to broaden their overall thinking. No one’s ideas should be disregarded or thought less of than anyone else’s, as is common place in many public schools these days. If the teacher, who is usually the one disregarding these ideas, would just take the time to listen, they too might learn something new or exciting. This is the reason I want to become a teacher. As you might suspect, I am a big believer in progressivism. While I do expect students to learn and build upon the basic skills taught in school (reading, writing, arithmetic, etc.), I also think that learning how to think for one’s self and learning to work with others is highly important and under stressed. As the leader in the classroom, I will design projects for the students to do, in which group cooperation is a necessity. Quite often, the students will be working in groups, as long as they are working toward the goal that they are supposed to be working toward. I will, however, monitor these group projects, in order to make sure that everyone is doing their part in the group effort. I think this will introduce two important qualities in life; t... ...e curriculum and that that I am expected to incorporate them into my lesson plans. I will do so, but probably in a different way than most other teachers. My overall goal as a teacher is to do my best to ensure that every student is prepared for the next grade level and beyond. As I said earlier, every student has something different to offer the classroom, but the classroom should have only one thing to offer each student; success. Success doesn’t just meaning receiving good grades though. Success could be improving behavior in the classroom or overcoming a social problem. Some students will have no problem with achieving this success, but for others it will be a real struggle. It is for these students, that I will not be satisfied with my efforts until I see that I have made an impact and, if nothing else, have put them on the road to success.

Friday, July 19, 2019

Isaac Asimovs Foundation - Cycles of History :: Isaac Asimov Foundation

Isaac Asimov's Foundation - Cycles of History Foundation is a novel throughout which the cycles of history are present. Isaac Asimov's peculiar notions on how change in the environment affects the nature of historical change are present throughout this novel. Asimov uses principles of Marxism to fabricate his future history. Asimov also creates a future political structure modeled on the Roman Empire. According to Jean Fielder, one of the greatest influences on Asimov's Foundation novel is Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. This parallel is most discernible as Foundation depicts the gradual disintegration of a great empire, the concomitant rise in regional trade, and the eventual consolidation of political and economic power in the trading city- (or planet-) states. And, like a history, "[Foundation] focuses on mass movements rather than on individual actions"(Fiedler 59). In Foundation, the Galactic Empire is the gradually disintegrating great empire, just as the Roman Empire is the disintegrating empire in Gibbon's work. And, as in Gibbon's history, the Foundation builds a trading empire that later unites the planets together. Many popular histories seem to focus on the empire-builder's military conquests. However, in Foundation, Asimov's history of the future "makes the cogent point that the true tools of empire-building are economic and socio-political development" (Fiedler 57). This principle is shown through the use of the Seldon Crises. Most often, the resolutions to these crises are a unique mix of psychological manipulation and technological usage. For example, the Galactic religion provides a means of psychologically manipulating the people of the galaxy to become dependent upon the technological sophistication of the Foundation. Much of Asimov's Foundation is based upon Marxism and the Marxist principle of historical materialism. In Charles Elkins's opinion, these Marxist ideas include the old puzzle of historical inevitability (predestination) versus free will, which itself flows out of the often unsuccessful yet desperately necessary-and therefore always repeated-struggles of men to control their personal futures and the futures of their societies.(Elkins 100) These ideas are shown throughout Foundation, and in fact are the basis behind most of the heroic characters. Characters like Hober Mallow, Salvor Hardin, and Limmar Ponyets epitomize men who struggle to control their futures (Elkins 105). These men devote their lives to doing their part to help Seldon's Plan to be a success, but in reality, they are a planned part of Seldon's plan to help the Foundation succeed.